Voter turnout initiatives

There is strong evidence that voter turnout initiatives such as get-out-the-vote campaigns (Kling 2022, Nickerson 2006, Shaw 2022, LeRoux 2022, Handan-Nader 2021, Green 2017, Arceneaux 2012), early in-person voting (Schroedel 2022, Kaplan 2020, Shino 2020), and vote-by-mail, which includes absentee ballots (Amlani 2022, Thompson 2020, Barber 2020), increase voting.

Get-out-the-vote campaigns that share election information and encourage voter participation, rather than promote political candidates or partisan messages, increase voting (Kling 2022, Green 2017). Get-out-the-vote campaigns staffed and run by volunteers increase voting (Nickerson 2006, Handan-Nader 2021), and are cost-effective when calls are brief, non-partisan, and feature some personalization (Nickerson 2006). Low cost outreach methods such as texts and direct mail reminders can increase voting (Shaw 2022, LeRoux 2022). A California-based get-out-the-vote campaign with door-to-door canvassing, direct mail, and text messages found voting can increase, especially when combined with voting reminders via text in late October (Shaw 2022). A Chicago-based get-out-the-vote campaign that sent postcards and text messages also increased voter turnout; when messages included information about voter registration, turnout increased even more (LeRoux 2022). Door-to-door canvassing as part of a get-out-the-vote campaign can encourage political participation and increase in-person voter turnout, in some cases more than mailed ballots, for those who value the social reward of being seen doing their civic duty by voting in-person (Arceneaux 2012).

Early in-person voting is generally available in the weeks leading up to an election to make voting more convenient and in some states, such as Minnesota, early voting may begin up to 46 days prior to election day (Kaplan 2020). Early in-person voting has been shown to increase voting among working age adults, parents of young children, women, Democrats, and Independents (Kaplan 2020). On-site early voting can also increase voting and political participation on Native reservations (Schroedel 2022). A 2018 Florida voting reform allowed early in-person voting at public colleges and universities; afterwards, young registrants were more likely to vote, to vote early, and to increase their political participation, compared to peers in counties without early in-person voting (Shino 2020). A Georgia-based study suggests that ads and outreach to promote early in-person voting may increase voter turnout and political participation (Hood 2011). Early in-person voting may increase voter turnout in high density areas when additional voting locations are made available (Fullmer 2015a).

Voting-by-mail with absentee or mail-in ballots can increase voting and political participation for those living at a distance from their polling location (Tomkins 2022). Many states and counties created more flexible policies for vote-by-mail for the 2020 presidential election to reduce public health risks and provide a safe alternative to voting in-person during the COVID-19 pandemic (Syed 2022). Some states and counties automatically sent mail-in ballots to all registered voters. These counties experienced higher political and voter participation than counties which did not mail ballots to residents, and there was no evidence of a partisan advantage (Amlani 2022). Despite commonly shared narratives that vote-by-mail gives an advantage to certain political parties over others, there is evidence that universal, mandatory, vote-by-mail efforts increase overall voter turnout and political participation without partisan effects (Thompson 2020, Barber 2020). Mail-in ballots can also be deposited in drop boxes; drop boxes may increase voting most effectively when located near residential areas, workplaces, or schools (Collingwood 2018).

Vote-by-mail initiatives must be implemented carefully and include clear instructions regarding ballot completion and return timelines; voters who have not voted-by-mail previously are more likely to have their mailed ballots rejected, generally due to a signature defect or late arrival (Cottrell 2021). This inexperience penalty varies by race and age, with minorities, the youngest, and oldest voters more likely to have ballots rejected, along with those who are not members of a major political party (Cottrell 2021). Implementation decisions can also reduce the effectiveness of vote-by-mail or ballot drop box voting initiatives, as seen in Texas after the governor restricted each county to only one secure ballot drop-off location, dramatically increasing the travel time costs to return absentee ballots, with the greatest impacts on voters identifying as Asian, Black, and Hispanic (Karner 2021).

Studies have shown that when the distance to polling locations increases, voter turnout decreases as it becomes more challenging to reach the polls (Tomkins 2022, Cantoni 2020). Poll closures and consolidation have a disproportionate impact on voters identifying as racial or ethnic minorities (Cantoni 2020). In Milwaukee, WI during the April 2020 primary, many polling locations were closed in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, which dramatically reduced overall voter turnout, especially turnout by Black voters (Morris 2022) and other racial minorities (Curiel 2021). Consolidating polling locations into vote centers may be less expensive to run; however, a model-based study of vote centers in Texas shows this may increase the distance voters need to travel to cast their ballots, which may reduce voter turnout for midterm elections, especially in rural counties with Hispanic voters (Cortina 2021). A North Carolina-based study found that changing polling locations creates additional search costs for individuals, who then need to discover, locate, and travel to new polling places, which can also reduce the likelihood of voting in general elections (Yoder 2018).

Available evidence indicates that people with better physical and mental health have greater civic participation, including voting, volunteering, and membership in community groups and organizations, such as recreational teams or community gardens (RAND-Nelson 2019, US DHHS-OASH-HP 2030 CP). Experts recommend encouraging civic participation from a young age to build a lifelong commitment to community engagement (US DHHS-OASH-HP 2030 CP). Poor physical and mental health can increase social isolation and may reduce civic participation. Individuals who experience negative health outcomes at a young age may be less likely to participate in civic engagement activities later in life. Additional research is needed to assess how individuals’ civic participation can support improvements to community infrastructure and policies that promote community health, which may in turn increase health equity (RAND-Nelson 2019). Evidence suggests that civic participation may be associated with improved self-reported health, well-being, and emotional health; increased physical activity; and a greater sense of community (US DHHS-OASH-HP 2030 CP).

There is some evidence that voter turnout initiatives have the potential to reduce disparities in access to voting and political participation (Schroedel 2022, Foley 2021, Southwell 2010). Communities with high poverty rates have lower voter participation rates (Fullmer 2015a); voting-by-mail may reduce disparities in voting access for those with low incomes and without cars or access to reliable public transportation to and from polling locations (de Benedictis-Kessner 2021). Black and Hispanic voters experience greater disparities in voter access, including longer distances to travel to polling locations, lack of efficient transit options, and longer wait times at polling places (Foley 2021). A study of voting wait times on Election Day 2016 suggests that residents of Black neighborhoods waited nearly 30% longer to vote than residents of white neighborhoods and were nearly 75% more likely to wait for over 30 minutes to vote (NBER-Chen 2019). In a Denver-based study of municipal elections in which all registered voters were automatically sent mail-in ballots, greater numbers of Hispanic and Black voters participated than during in-person elections (Southwell 2010).

Native populations have suppressed voter turnout and high levels of government distrust and disenfranchisement following centuries of broken treaties and violence; however, when early in-person voting is made available on Native reservations, it can increase voting and political participation (Schroedel 2022). Typically, early in-person voting sites are more available in neighborhoods with residents that are college-educated, older, and/or Democrat-leaning, and are less available in neighborhoods with majority Black residents (Fullmer 2015). An Ohio-based study suggests that Black residents voted early in-person at greater rates than white residents during the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections (Weaver 2015). Florida-based studies found that limiting and removing opportunities for early in-person voting are associated with reduced voter turnout, especially among racial or ethnic minorities, Democrats, and those without a political party affiliation (Herron 2014, Gronke 2013).

Experts suggest that vote-by-mail provides critical access to voting and political participation for voters with disabilities, particularly for those who are unable to travel by public transportation, have movement restrictions that would make entering a polling place challenging, or are unable to use commonly available voting equipment without assistance (Syed 2022, Miller 2016b, Tokaji 2007). Voting challenges are often exacerbated for voters with disabilities due to the intersectionality of poverty, race, age, and disability in the U.S.; data indicates that minorities are more likely to have disabilities, while people with disabilities of working age are more likely to be unemployed than their peers, forcing them into poverty (Syed 2022). People with disabilities appear more likely to vote-by-mail; experts also suggest that no-excuse absentee voting or permanent absentee voting policies may increase the likelihood of voters with disabilities submitting mail-in ballots (Miller 2016b). The expansion of emergency absentee voting opportunities may support voting among populations with illness and disabilities, including hospitalized voters (Tang 2021).

The U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1788 and granted states the primary responsibility to regulate elections (US Const. I-IV). During the first presidential election in 1789, most states only granted voting rights to white, land-owning males (Seven 2018), though Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island, and Vermont allowed some or all free Black males to vote (Smith 1998). Eventually, Congress and states amended the Constitution to expand federal voting eligibility to other U.S. citizens. Constitutional amendments were the result of organized, citizen-led movements that developed significant public support over time to expand voting rights to specific groups. In 1870, several years after the end of the Civil War (1861-65), the 15th Amendment to the Constitution granted Black men the right to vote (US Const. XIV), while women did not receive the right to vote until the 19th Amendment was ratified in 1920 (US Const. XIX). Native Americans were not eligible to vote until Congress formally recognized them as U.S. citizens with the Snyder Act of 1924, 54 years after the 15th Amendment granted voting rights to U.S. male citizens (LOC-NA). People with disabilities and mental illness have been legally prevented from voting, along with those under guardianship, conservatorship, or with felony convictions who often also suffered from mental illness (Syed 2022). In the 20th century, a few laws were passed to increase accessibility for voters with disabilities, including the Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act of 1984, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, and the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (Tokaji 2007). In 1992, the 26th Amendment expanded voter eligibility to U.S. citizens 18-years-old or older (US Const. XXVI).

Yet, even as voter eligibility was extended to more U.S. citizens, many states implemented exclusionary laws and practices that created structural barriers to prevent certain groups of people from voting (Seven 2018). In 1800, Massachusetts established the first state-run voter registration system, a practice that made it more difficult to register and to vote, especially for Americans who were Black, had low incomes, or were recent immigrants (Seven 2018). During the Jim Crow-era, literacy tests, poll taxes, and intimidation factors were used to suppress the Black vote (LOC-AA), resulting in only 3% of Black Americans registering to vote (ACLU-VRA). Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 which charged the federal government with ensuring that all citizens have the right to vote, regardless of race (LOC-AA). However, in 2013 the U.S. Supreme Court overturned a key component of the Voting Rights Act, which made it possible for states to pass laws to make voting more challenging. As recently as 2020, states implemented voter ID laws, tightened restrictions on vote-by-mail, and purged voter rolls, all of which can have a discriminatory effect on voters (BC-Wilder 2021).

There have been some state-wide efforts to make voting more convenient. California became the first state with no-excuse absentee ballots in 1978, followed by Oregon and Washington in the 1980s; Oregon and Washington later established universal vote-by-mail systems, in 1998 and 2011, respectively (Fullmer 2015). In 1987, Texas created the first early-in person voting law, followed by Nevada, Colorado, and Tennessee in the 1990s, and Georgia and North Carolina in 2000 (Fullmer 2015).

Voter turnout in the U.S. trails that of other developed countries. This is attributed in part to the considerable variation in voting policies, based on where a voter lives (Pew-DeSilver 2022).

• What local efforts can ensure that voters using mail-in ballots fill them out correctly, so they are less likely to be rejected on a technicality? How can these efforts be tailored to reach communities most likely to benefit from access to vote-by-mail (e.g., rural communities, people with disabilities, long-term care facilities, dense urban areas with limited polling places)?
• How are local election officials and community partners connecting with groups in your community that generally have a harder time getting to the polls to hear and act on their concerns? How are those concerns being addressed?
• Who opposes and supports voter turnout initiatives in your community? Why? Who has the authority and organizational power to protect voting accessibility in your community?
• If polling location changes are necessary, what plans do your local election officials and community partners have to share information about these changes? What methods are best suited to reach groups that generally have a harder time getting to the polls and may require extra time to create alternate voting plans? What resources or planning support are available to those impacted by new locations (i.e., request mail-in ballot if the location is too far/inaccessible via public transit, vote early in-person, etc.)?

The U.S. Census tracks voter demographic characteristics and offers maps and other visualizations of voting and registration in the U.S. (US Census-Voting). The National Association of Secretaries of State compiles resources in English and Spanish to help individuals understand their voting eligibility, registration status, how to register, where to vote, and more (NASS-Vote). The U.S. Department of Justice offers voting resources specific to each state, along with guidance for voters with disabilities and election officials, including an ADA recommendations checklist to confirm polling places are accessible (US DOJ-Voting resources, US DOJ-Voting accessibility).

As of 2022, there are eight states (California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont, and Washington) that automatically mail ballots to all registered voters; for those who prefer it, in-person voting at voting centers or local election offices is available (NCSL-VBM 2024, Colorado SOS-Voting, Oregon SOS-Voting, Washington SOS-VBM). Early in-person voting is also available in 46 states, Washington, D.C., American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands; the four states without it (Alabama, Connecticut, Mississippi, and New Hampshire) may have other early voting options available for eligible absentee voters (NCSL-EIP 2022).

Get-out-the-vote campaigns and organizations offer numerous resources and support for individuals interesting in understanding their voting eligibility; details about upcoming local, state, and national elections; and available voting methods. Vote.org provides state-specific information about early voting options, along with resources to check voter registration status, register, request absentee ballots, sign up for election reminders, and more (Vote.org-Early voting, Vote.org).

The League of Women Voters, a grassroots organization dedicated to empowering all voters regardless of gender and defending democracy for over 100 years, was instrumental in gathering support for many of the most pivotal election reform laws, including the National Voter Registration Act in 1993 and the Help America Vote Act in 2002 (League of Women Voters). Current campaign efforts include expanding options for voter registration and voting locations, particularly for communities with limited access to transportation; removing voter ID requirements; and clear communication regarding candidate positions and campaign financing (League of Women Voters). In addition, it maintains Vote411, a non-partisan election information website, which, along with voter registration and state-specific voting information, also features content about eligible voters’ unique ballots, details about making a voting plan, and candidate guides, all available in English and Spanish (Vote411).

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